Dance Journal, Week 7 (Mar 2, 2010)

DNCE 320
Journal, Week 7
March 2, 2010

Meduri, Avanthi. "Bharatha Natyam -- What Are You?" Asian Theatre Journal 5.1 (Spring, 1988): 1-22. JSTOR. ITHAKA. Web. 26 Feb. 2010. .

Please note: because I was traveling this past weekend and wanted to avoid excess weight in my suitcase, I did not read this article from our textbook, but instead purchased it in PDF format from JSTOR, an online archive of academic journals and other scholarly content. Interestingly, the only difference between JSTOR's archived article and the article as printed in our textbook is the pictures. The archived article included two pictures, while the textbook included only one. All three pictures are different.

My prof wrote: "hmmm."

I didn't really mean anything by pointing out the difference in pictures, just that it's kind of weird that they would choose a third, different picture for the textbook anthology we're using, rather than just re-printing the journal article as it originally appeared, and I wonder what prompted that decision.

In this discussion of Baharatha Natyam, a form of South Indian classical sacred dance, Meduri tells us that “Indian dance... encapsulates both in structure and in content the philosophical aspirations of the Indian mind. It appears as a sublime synthesis of philosophy, sculpture, music, and literature,” and is part of a “total theater that links all the minutest units of dramatic presentation.”

Meduri presents some of the more recent history of this ancient dance form, beginning with two figures from the early 20th century, Balasaraswati and Rukmini Devi. These two women approached dance from different philosophies, though they both came from the devadasi (temple dancer) tradition. Balasaraswati saw the representation of “love” as pre-eminent in Bharatha Natyam dance, emphasizing both the self and the other, but “never carnal – never, never.” Meanwhile Devi saw “love” as presented in the existing dance form as too crude and literal, unsophisticated, and believed that it should represent not sensuality, but devotion. Interestingly, even though each dancer condemned realistic modes of expression in Bharatha Natyam dance, which emphasized exaggerated theatricality, and preferred subtle and nuanced expression, each dancer considered the “vulgar.”

The author also presented some reflections on gender issues with the dance's history and modern presentation. Because India is a historically patriarchal society, men have all the social and economic power. Thus the dancer (who I am assuming is always female, though the article does not explicitly state this), is expected to conform to the pressures of the male gaze. For example, most contemporary (young female) dancers are taught by men. Meduri writes, “Thus the dancer, in the most impressionable period of her life, is taught to interpret herself and her art through the male filter.”

These issues (as well as others involving Indian post-colonialism) have created some dissonance, discord and disillusionment within the Indian Bharatha Natyam community, prompting some dancers (such as the author herself) to leave India and try to find their own artistic direction and vision abroad. Meduri closes the article by writing, “I think we need a post-colonial aesthetic, a theory that can describe and evaluate the secular reality of dance in all its marvelous multiplicity.”


Foreman, Kathleen. "Dancing on the Endangered List: Aesthetics and Politics of Indigenous Dance in the Philippines." Moving History / Dancing Cultures: A Dance History Reader. Ed. Ann Dills and Ann Cooper Albright. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan UP, 2001. 384-388. Print.

This piece seems to be more about politics than aesthetics. The author speaks of some parallels between her experiences with “Native Canadians” (a term that made me go look up the publication date – 1995 – as the preferred label nowadays [in Canada] is “First Nations People”) and with “tribal Filipinos,” as both countries have a history of Western colonization. Her stated affinity for indigenous populations makes me believe she means the term “liberated” on page 384 ironically: “The Americans first liberated the Philippines in 1899 during the Spanish-American War and then again during World War II from the Japanese.” There was no visual cue (such as quotes) to indicate whether or not she means the word ironically or not – but, after all, the Americans didn't just “liberate” the islands and then leave them alone; they have had a lasting effect on the Philippine people's culture and politics.

My prof wrote: "Yes - curious use."

The paper is centered around the work of Jack Yabut, director/choreographer of PETA, the Philippine Educational Theatre Association dance collective. An urban Filipino, he works with tribal elders in an attempt to “develop and promote a national Filipino consciousness and grassroots social change through the arts.” By studying and presenting tribal dance, Yabut hopes to engender a renewed respect for the sensibilities and traditions of Filipino tribal people, especially with respect to their culture and land, within the post-colonial world of the increasingly urbanized Philippines.


Practice Journal

Since I was out of town again this weekend, I didn't get much practicing done. I did spend some time in the mirror working on the torso undulations, but I don't think I've improved much. At this point, I'm just hoping I can remember the bits that were added last Thursday! I'm also having trouble with the step-turn-jump-flap-scoop combination. The first one is ok, but I'm having trouble getting into the second one from the end of the scoop. I think I'm trying to step with the wrong foot, but I'll have to try to figure that out. It's frustrating because I move for a living – you can't play my instrument without moving! – but I feel so uncoordinated once it's called a “dance” and not just me moving to the music. Perhaps I need to stop worrying so much about it and just let my body do its thing....

My prof wrote: "I second the motion - at least for now let yourself learn holistically. The ideas will sink in."

Dance Journal, Week 6 (Feb 23, 2010)

DNCE 320
Journal, Week 6
February 23, 2010

Manning, Susan Allene, and Melissa Benson. "Interrupted Continuities: Modern Dance in Germany." Moving History / Dancing Cultures: A Dance History Reader. Ed. Ann Dills and Ann Cooper Albright. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan UP, 2001. 218-227. Print.

This paper was prepared as part of a photography exhibition. While there are some photos within the paper, it is unclear if these are the ones that originally appeared at the exhibition. If they are the same photos, their placement is strange in that they don't appear with the text to which they presumably belong, but instead appear all together in the middle of the paper.

My prof wrote: "I agree, and can only assume these photos are from that exhibit."

The exhibition's purpose was to show the roots of modern dance. Modern dance arose in both Germany and the US independently before WWI, but much cross-pollination occurred. US dancers Isadore Duncan and Ruth St. Denis appeared in Germany and their popularity provided a catalyst for German expressionist dance which flourished until the Third Reich. Many German dancers emigrated from Germany to the US to escape the Nazis and this contributed to the development of modern dance in the US. Post WWII, modern dance nearly disappeared in Germany, but US modern dance propagated worldwide.

I found the discussion of modern dance's push-back against gender roles to be very interesting. With the demise of Victorianism at the turn of the 20th century, both male and female dancers were able to break free from rigidly-defined gender roles as portrayed in dance – the madonna/whore dichotomy for women and the Prince Charming role for men – and experiment with other roles and means of personal expression outside those roles.

My prof wrote: "Well put."

The paper lists many dancers and educators who had a hand in shaping modern dance in Germany, such as Dalcroze, Laban, Wigman, Gert, and others, and briefly discusses the artistic and political context for each. The political played a very important role in German dance, as during the Third Reich, dance became very politicized for the State's purposes, which, the paper asserts, drained modern German dance of its vigor.

After WWII, ballet came to dominate both East and West Germany. In the West, there were few alternatives to ballet, but in the East, modern dance was combined with the Soviet ballet tradition's methods of teaching. In the 60's, young dancers in the West, dissatisfied with ballet and the “hierarchies” of ballet companies, developed Tanztheater, a re-awakening of modern dance.

The paper discussed some prominent dancers and dance teachers within Germany at the time of writing (1985), including Kresnik, Bohner, and Bausch, and the differences between their artistic approaches. The paper closes with “Dance is the only West German art today in which female artists play a leading role. Why this is so remains a provocative question.” Perhaps modern dance in Germany is simply acknowledging its roots.


PRACTICE JOURNAL

I didn't get much practicing done over the weekend since I was out of town, but I did show some of my friends what we've been doing. I'm still not completely comfortable with the torso undulations, but I think they're getting better. I need more work in front of the mirror. I'm pretty comfortable with the rest of the dance, although I'm not sure I have the new additions right.

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Dance Journal, Week 5 (Feb 16, 2010)

DNCE 320
Journal, Week 5
February 16, 2010

Asante, Kariamu W. "Commonatities in African Dance: An Aesthetic Foundation." Moving History / Dancing Cultures: A Dance History Reader. Ed. Ann Dills and Ann Cooper Albright. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan UP, 2001. 144-151. Print.

In this paper, the author asserts that “African dance is a complex art in an advanced form,” and presents a description of an “African aesthetic” that is common to all African dance. The author points out that while cultural anthropologists and ethnomusicologists have provided insights into African arts, they lack the expertise to analyze specific movements and steps in African dance. Asante describes seven “senses” that, when combined with oral tradition, make for a commonality between and among all dance styles that have developed within Africa and within the African Diaspora, even though they come from different peoples with different languages, cultures, and geography. These seven “senses” are:

1. Polyrhythm, a motion sense in which movement and rhythm are intertwined. The author claims that this sense is inherent in all African dances.
2. Polycentrism, a time sense in which both slow and fast can occur in the same time frame. I have to admit that this one is hard to explain (and I'm not sure the author did a very good job). As a musician, I tend to explain things with musical concepts, and I think polycentrism is best explained by talking about the relationship of macrobeats and microbeats. A macrobeat is, like the name implies, a “big beat,” which can be subdivided into microbeats, or “small beats.” You can play many microbeats within one macrobeat. Whether something feels like a macrobeat or a microbeat depends a lot on tempo. What sometimes happens – and here is where the polycentrism comes in – is that at certain tempi when there are a lot of microbeats a listener begins to “float” over them and a new, slower macrobeat will emerge. (Kind of like what happens when something accelerates enough from 4/4 time where it makes more sense to feel it in 2/2.)

   Here my prof wrote: "Bravo!"

3. Curvilinearity, the circular quality of form, shape, and structure that occur in African arts, especially dance.
4. Dimensionality, the sense of multiple layers or textures. The author likens it to the “extrashape and vibration that occur during a dance.”
5. Epic memory, the spiritual sense that an artist draws upon while creating a work. It is present not only within the finished work of art, but also in the creation itself.
6. Holism, the sense that the parts of a work of art are not emphasized over the whole.
7. Repetition, the sense of intensification over time, when “enough time” has passed (not necessarily a specific amount of time).

Asante also cautions that “there is no universal aesthetic without personal reflection,” and that African dance is difficult to categorize because of the thousands of ethnic groups as well as the 400 million people in Africa (and the 150 million of the Diaspora).


Strother, Z. S. "Invention and Reinvention in the Traditional Arts." Moving History / Dancing Cultures: A Dance History Reader. Ed. Ann Dills and Ann Cooper Albright. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan UP, 2001. 152-164. Print.

I have to love any scholarly paper that uses Star Trek as an example! (I actually think the author could have gone farther with that example of collaboration, especially given the well-known back-and-forth that has developed between the Trek “fandom” and the writers and producers of the shows and novels. But I digress....) This paper makes the claim that the traditional arts of Zaire are best viewed through the lens of pop culture (rather than “high art”) because it recognizes the collaborative nature of such art. To illustrate the way that even traditional art can change in reaction to “modern life,” Strother uses the example of the Gindongo (gi)tshi? dance, developed in the 1970s. The dance was originally meant to be a protest against the “gerontocracy” of the status quo. The artist who developed the dance even went so far as to commission a mask that deliberately avoided using traditional design elements. In subsequent years, however, other artists have started performing the dance and have changed not only the hand-gestures, but also the design of the mask (they use traditionally-styled masks). They have changed the nature of the dance from a protest to an ironic confirmation that the young are often powerless to change the system. Strother points out that Africanists (an term left undefined in the paper, I think it means “those who study African culture(s)”), like many scholars of Western culture, often overlook or dismiss “the role of collaboration and dialogue” in creative endeavors. The author posits that this may be a reaction to negative Western stereotypes of Africa, and the result of a desire to present African art as “as good as” Western art, using Western standards rather than African standards. By doing this, such critics miss the point. Art should be judged or appreciated in the context of its own culture and not by any outside standards.

My prof wrote: "Agreed."

PRACTICE JOURNAL

I practiced several times this weekend, often doing just a section of our dance at a time. I'm sure I looked a bit silly as I danced in front of the bathroom mirror – about as silly as I must have looked as an 8 year old practicing disco dancing! I did show my husband the entire dance sequence so far, using our kitchen and living room as an ersatz dancefloor. I am still having trouble with the chest contraction/expansion move. I don't know what it is, but it just feels like I'm very stiff. I need to practice that move in front of the mirror some more to see if I can figure out what I'm doing wrong. Maybe I'll even video-tape myself so I can do the move without having to look in the mirror at the same time (since that subtly changes the body position). I'm sure I will feel less "silly" as I get more comfortable with the dance. Meanwhile, I will "fake it until I make it!"

My prof wrote: "Go for a circular feeling; a "push" or expansion, followed by an equal or slightly relaxed "pull," like a roller coaster loop, if that makes sense."

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Dance Journal, Week 4 (Feb 9, 2010)

DNCE 320
Journal, Week 4
February 9, 2010

"Looking at World Dance." Moving History / Dancing Cultures: A Dance History Reader. Ed. Ann Dills and Ann Cooper Albright. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan UP, 2001. 92-96. Print.

In this introduction to a section of essays about various types of dances from around the world, the authors invite us to ask “What is ‘World’ dance?” Does that word have any meaning in our increasingly global society, especially with regard to those who immigrate to “the West” from other countries? The authors ask three other important questions. The first is: “How are we looking?” – They caution that “movement vocabulary” is important as we analyze and discuss the cultural meaning of individual movements as well as the entire dance. Where we are when we look, when we look, and, indeed, who is doing the looking are also important. In discussing the second question – “What are we looking at?” – the authors give us examples of both the post-colonial perspective of dance in India, as well as the complexities of analyzing the dances of the African Diaspora. The final question seems to be the simplest to answer: “Why are we looking?” The authors assert that reading about different types of dance around the world, and the different forms it takes, expands the reader’s understanding of what dance is, and what it can be, which then invites us to come “face to face with hidden ideologies in [the reader’s] own dance techniques.”


Martin, Lynn. "Symbolism and Embodiment in Six Haitian Dances." Journal for the Anthropological Study of Human Movement 8.3 (1995): 93-119. Print.

This scholarly paper about the relationship of Haitian Dance to the vodou ceremony was fascinating, but I kept getting distracted by little things.

The first thing to strike me as “off” was on page 94, in the second full paragraph, which says, “Within [vodou’s] purview fall such subjects as health…, personal relationships, … business ventures, artistic expression and entertainment, and more orthodox religious obligations and practices concerning Divinity.” The Fourth Edition of The American Heritage Dictionary defines “orthodox” as “adhering to the accepted or traditional and established faith, especially in religion.” So, if subjects such as health, business success, etc., fall under vodou’s purview, are they not also “orthodox?” Martin doesn’t put the word in quotes, so I wonder – ‘orthodox’ from whose perspective? Perhaps the author means “liturgical,” defined by Random House Dictionary as “of or pertaining to formal public worship.” A better word might even be “ceremonial.”

Here my prof wrote: "or 'spiritual,' but I take it to mean more standard religious obligations in terms of Western standards."

In the last paragraph of page 96, the author talks about the use of secular songs, and I couldn’t help but think that the description sounds like “The Capitol Steps!”

Here my prof wrote: "I agree -- this seems misplaced. Skip the previous paragraph and it makes sense."

I wonder how these three sentences about secular song are relevant to a discussion of music and dance within a religious ceremony, and why this type of secular song is presented as if it were something strange or noteworthy.

Here my prof wrote: "This ties to vodou as lifestyle & the use of song to exert influence & solve interpersonal problems.

On page 98, the author describes the ason as “a sacred rattle,” made from a gourd surrounded by decorative beads or bones. There is a drawing of it on page 116. What I find odd is the author’s assertion that “the ason is not, technically speaking, a musical instrument.” Why not? Even if it’s used in a way that the author does not consider “musical” (a subjective word if ever there was one), that does not mean that the item itself is not a “musical instrument.” The in-text citation here references another paper about vodou, but it is unclear whether it is a musicology paper or from some other discipline, which makes me wonder where Martin (or Denning and Philips, for that matter) gets the authority to decide whether or not the ason is a “musical instrument.” Many years ago, I took a class in Sub-Saharan African Music and, judging by the drawing of the ason, it looks to my eyes a lot like musical instruments used in western Africa. In fact, I’ve seen similar instruments used in percussion concerts here in the US. I’m sure those percussionists would be surprised to find out that it’s “not, technically speaking, a musical instrument!”

Here my prof wrote: "Point well taken. I would have to look to Martin's sources. The only 'excuse' I can come up with is that the ason may not be considered a musical instrument by the priests/priestesses/practitioners."

Good point - and upon further thought, I think what the author meant is that the practitioners are not using the ason as a musical instrument, but in some other fashion. That does not magically make it "not a musical instrument," though. Plus, have you seen what Evelyn Glennie can do with an ashtray, a few cups, and a pair of chopsticks? ;-)

Also distracting is the author’s introduction of the word lwa without a pronunciation guide. First used on page 97, it is unclear in the printed font whether the italicized word is spelled with a lower-case L or an upper-case I. It is not until page 99 when “The Lwa” is used as a section header that the reader sees that the first letter is an L, and an end note giving a pronunciation guide is referenced, but perhaps this is the journal editor’s fault.

My prof wrote: "Indeed, it looks like a capital I, and most students write it wrong."

Throughout the paper, the word “mythological” is used to describe concepts without any discussion of why that word was chosen in that instance instead of “religious” (also used throughout the paper) or what the distinction between “mythological” and “religious” might be (see the Desmangles quote on pg 101 for a prime example).

Also on page 101 is what seems to me to be a blatant contradiction. First the author quotes Desmangles: “[Possession] is a public commitment… that heightens one’s exercise of religious authority in the community,” then goes on to say “when the possession ends, the ‘everyday self’ returns, and the person receives no deferential treatment by virtue of having been possessed.” Immediately after this sentence, the author refers back to the Desmangles quote, writing, “As Desmangles points out, the individual’s exercise of religious authority in the community is heightened.” Which is it? Is the person’s religious authority heightened, or are they treated with no deference? To me, these things seem to be mutually exclusive. Unfortunately, Martin never elaborates on what she means.

My prof wrote: "Confusing, yes. I can only surmise that what the author intends to mean is the lwa in the possessed form may be treated deferentially."

In the first full paragraph of page 102, the author conflates homosexuality with transvestitism.

My prof wrote: "This is a problem."

After pointing out that “cross-gender possession is common,” and saying that a man possessed by a female lwa “may be dressed as a woman and will speak like a woman” (does that mean with a higher pitch? Or is there some specific way that Haitian women speak that Haitian men do not? The author never explains), Martin writes that “homosexuality exists” in Haiti. Well, of course it does, but what does homosexuality have to do with the clothes a person is wearing or how they speak? By not supplying context for this information (do most men who are routinely possessed by female lwa self-identify as homosexual or gender dysphoric in some way?), the author is perpetuating a stereotype and in my opinion, that has no place in a scholarly paper, even one published in 1995.

My prof wrote: "Not that long ago in the broader sense."

Another example of a loaded word is found on page 104, where Martin writes, “Sacred movement proceeds in a counter-clockwise direction around the potomitan, which is a reversal of the normal order.” There is no context given here to tell the reader what the “normal order” might be. Does it mean that the participants process around the potomitan in a clockwise direction at the beginning of the ceremony? Or do Haitians perhaps never walk around any objects in a counter-clockwise direction? There’s no way to know from the paper.

Finally, on page 108, in the description of Nago dance, Martin writes, “The posture of Nago’s dancers is dignified….” Compared to what, exactly? Is she implying that the postures of other dancers are undignified? Perhaps the author means “an erect posture,” but if so, she should say so without using value-laden terms.

My prof wrote: "I can only hope the writer is taking a Haitian-centered approach, but I can't be sure. I think it is still a comprehensive enough overview. For more reading, check out "The Divine Horsemen" - Maya Deren & Yvonne Daniel's work."

In addition to the “distractions” I listed above, I did find some very interesting things (in the positive sense) in the paper, too.

In the descriptions of the various lwa, Erzulie’s color is given as blue. Erzulie sounds like “azure” or “lazuli,” which makes me wonder if it comes from French, or directly from Arabic (either would make sense given Haiti’s history), or it’s just one of those linguistic faux amis that happen from time to time.

Baron Samedi is also quite interesting. In French, Samedi is the word for Saturday. Saturday comes from Saturn, a Roman fertility god. We also get the word “saturnalia” from Saturn, and the descriptions of the dances associated with Baron Samedi reminded me of descriptions of saturnalia.

The characterization of Damballah reminded me of the dance we’ve been learning in class, specifically the arm movements. Later, the description of Yonvalou on page 107 also reminded me of our dance. Is that the type of dance we’re learning?

My prof wrote: "Yes - I am most familiar with Yonvalou movement."

So, while the “distractions” I listed make me question the objectivity and integrity of the entire paper, I did find the discussion of a religion previously unfamiliar to me fascinating. I just hope that the “distractions” aren’t indicative of bias or projection on Martin’s part.

My prof wrote: "Me, too."

Bourgignon, Erika. "Trance and Ecstatic Dance." Moving History / Dancing Cultures: A Dance History Reader. Ed. Ann Dills and Ann Cooper Albright. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan UP, 2001. 97-102. Print.

This discussion of “dance epidemics” is an overview of the ecstatic dance in many different cultures around the world, including countries in Africa as well as in Europe and the Americas. When the author wrote that some dancers “felt forced to dance compulsively,” I couldn’t help but think of the story “The Red Shoes,” and wonder if that story was inspired by such dances. I appreciated the discussion of masks as used in ecstatic dance: how if a mask is used in a trance state, the spirit resides in the mask and not in the entranced person (in fact, the masks are specifically designed to prevent permanent possession of the masked person). Also fascinating was the discussion on the use (or non-use) of drugs. (This section made me look up the paper in the index to see when it was written and I was not surprised to see “1968.” Words such as “psychedelic” gave it away.)

My prof wrote: "Date is also cited in "Looking at World Dance."

That's the first reading in this paper, so I guess I forgot about that! oops!

This paper shows that ecstatic dance has very ancient origins and is practiced all over the world in many different ways. While a detailed discussion is beyond the scope of this overview paper, it whets my appetite to learn more about specific practices of various cultures.

Here at the end of my paper, the prof wrote: "I enjoyed your dialogue. Thank you for taking a critical look."

Home from DBW, plus some musings

I flew home from Distinctly Bronze West today -- in fact, I'm writing this from the plane, which was delayed by almost 2 hours, grrr [/rant]. I am absolutely exhausted, but had a great time at the event.

I think Jason Wells did a fine job in his inaugural appearance as Maestro of this event. I remember when he first appeared on the scene back at Pinnacle 2000 in Las Vegas, directing Ring of Fire at their 7:30 am concert. He's older now (as we all are), but hasn't lost any of that enthusiasm or energy. He has, however, gained a musical maturity that I am happy to see.

I'll be honest: that's one of the reasons I was so eager to attend the event this year -- I wanted to see if Jason had really matured in that way. It turns out that he has! Yay! This is not to say he doesn't have room to grow -- who among us can say that we don't have room to grow musically? -- but that he definitely wrung a lot of music out of us & I think if he continues in this role, there are some great things going to come out of the future of Distinctly Bronze!

I intend to keep attending both the East and West events for as long as I'm able to do so and will encourage others to attend, too.

At our Sunday night concert, I had the pleasure to finally meet a few people in person that I had only known via email or other online channels: Charlotte Hoover, and Mark & Lynn Andersen. Charlotte and I have been correspondents for years and years on the Handbell-L. Mark produces a video/audio podcast which features Lynn on handbells fairly often. (All three are (or have been) involved in the Emerald City Ringers, members of which also donated their equipment, time, and energy toward making DBW a successful event this year. (Thanks, ECR!)) Mark & Lynn also hosted Kiriku on their PNW tour a few years ago & produced their concert DVD.

Lynn said something to me after the concert that I've been musing on ever since. He said, "I can tell you've been influenced by Kiriku."

Of course that's a compliment -- one I've heard before, in fact, and have always been pleased about! -- but it's also not surprising that my ringing style looks like theirs, given their history & mine.

Let me explain: Kiriku was founded by their Artistic Director Taiko Otsubo, who was the protegé of Katsumi Kodama. (Another member of Kiriku, Yoshimichi Fukuda, also rang with Kodama from an early age. I think Yoshimichi & Taiko have been ringing together for well over 20 years.)

Kodama, for his part, made quite an impression on handbells in the US when he brought his groups to tour back in the late 80s/early 90s. Kathie Fink helped host one of those tours. (In fact, Kathie's daughter Lexi was born immediately after the Glee Handbell concert in Walnut Creek, CA -- Kathie was in labor but delayed going to the hospital so she could see the entire concert. Yoshimichi played at that concert, but Taiko did not.)

A year or two later, Kathie & PL founded Sonos, so I think it's fair to say that Sonos' ringing style and artistic philosophy was influenced by that experience (as well as by Jim Meredith's musical artistry, of course).

I first saw Sonos at Pinnacle 2000 in Las Vegas (yes, the same event at which I first met Jason Wells -- who was also quite influenced by Kodama in his younger years). They absolutely knocked my socks off & I was proud to join Sonos in early 2002. That, of course, had a profound influence on my ringing style as I learned all about "finger damping" and "sloppy damping" and other such things.

I first met Taiko in 2003 when she joined Sonos for our tour of Japan that year. (In fact, she was instrumental in bringing us to Japan in the first place!) She joined us again in 2005 and that's when I had the opportunity to see Kiriku in rehearsal. (I posted about that experience to the Handbell-L -- their attention to detail and to musicality were stunning, especially in an ensemble of that size.) Taiko then commuted from Tokyo to San Francisco to ring with Sonos for the next year and a half!

So yes, I've been influenced by Kiriku and by Taiko (and thus by Kodama), and I don't want to discount that, but it's also true that Sonos was influenced by Kodama separately and I think that Sonos has had a much greater influence on my style just by dint of sheer time and exposure.

Kodama's life was far too short, but his legacy lives on in Kiriku, Sonos, & Velocity (a small ensemble also founded by Sonos co-founder PL Grove). We share a history -- one that I'm proud to be a small part of.

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